In all intents and purposes he was an absolute ruler and the state was run as a feudal monarchy.  He was particularly strict in his views on the observance of the Muslim faith and was intent that the whole of Oman should follow his lead. He abhorred the changes that were occurring in the surrounding Arab nations and was determined that these changes would not occur in Oman.  Restrictions were placed on all manner of things ranging from Coca-Cola to sunglasses. He forbade both transistor radios  and cameras. Many restrictions were laid upon the way in which people led their lives and the Sultan was excessively heavy handed when they attempted make changes. Unrest was clearly evident in the country in the early sixties.

 The British had been giving Oman financial help and assistance with their armed forces since 1958. They had helped see off an insurgency in the north of the country where the imam had attempted to seize power aided by other local Arab states and by Egypt. In 1967 Oman began to have significant revenues from oil that had been found in the country. However the Sultan did not cascade the wealth down and improve the lot of his subjects. Interestingly after his overthrow it was apparent that he had already made plans to do so but was determined not to until oil revenues had provided the wherewithal rather than doing so on the expectation of oil revenues. He remained the determined conservative and cautious man who had taken over the throne in 1932. The resentment that was already there increased. There was support for insurgency from the new “Peoples Democratic Republic of Yemen” recently freed from the British.  Two of the principle donors of aid to the newly formed Dhofar Liberation Front were Russia and China both of whom provided weapons and training.

 As time went by and more confidence was gained the Front changed its name to the “Peoples Front for the Liberation of the Occupied Arab Gulf” The plan was to push up across the border from the south and gradually take over the whole country. The Western view at this time was that a communist country sitting alongside the Straits of Hormuz could exert a stranglehold on the export of oil from the Gulf.

The resentment felt for the current ruler allowed revolutionary ideology  and promises to fall upon fertile ground. In many ways this is surprising as the treatment that they meted out to the populations in areas under their influence was unquestionably brutal and contrary to Islamic practice.

 At first PFLOAG achieved considerable success in the south and were able to mount a guerrilla war that had support from the local population. They were not hindered significantly by SAF and emboldened by their success continued to advance along the jebel towards Salalah.

 The sultan had one son, Qaboos bin Said who had been educated partly in the West. He had the good fortune to live with a family in Suffolk for a considerable time.  He had attended Sandhurst military academy and then served as an officer in a Scottish regiment the Cameronians whose sobriquet "The Poison Dwarfs"  was earned on the streets of Minden shortly before they were disbanded . On his return to Oman he was isolated by his father in the palace in Salalah and had little influence or importance.

In 1970, with help mainly from British officers, he overthrew his father in what amounted to a bloodless coup and gained control of the country. His rule, more enlightened than that of his father, was sympathetic to the needs and expectations of his fellow countrymen. They were aware that revenue from oil could buy an improvement in their lives which was most attractive.  The confounding factor was the ever increasing presence of PFLOAG in the south who, by this time, were well established on the jebel overlooking Salalah. Indeed they were able to come onto the plain at night , fire RCLs and mortars at RAF Salalah, and return to the jebel before dawn.

The Sultan had a small army of four regiments officered mainly by British contract or seconded officers. In the spring of 1972 the Sultan’s forces were quite limited in what they could do and where they could venture without vigorous interference from the adoo. There were a number of bases on the jebel which were helicopter supplied and came under regular attack. The plain surrounding Salalah was a dangerous place both by day and at night; ambushes occurred and the tracks were mined. RAF Salalah itself was subject to attack by RCL and other means. The situation became even more serious as the monsoon degraded the capabilities of all types of aircraft. The adoo, less liable to attack from the air, were able to move with greater freedom and their camel trains bringing supplies from the south were  only subject to minor interdiction.

 In an attempt to tip the balance they determined to attack and capture a small town, Mirbat, on the coast to the north east of Salalah. They assembled a force about two hundred strong and on the morning of the 19^th of July attacked the town. There are many accounts of this engagement which was one of the most significant events in the war. The medical details of those wounded in the battle are recorded in the "Clinical" section of this website.

And what has happened since 1970 ?

In 1970 Oman had 10kms of hard topped road, one hospital, few schools and few opportunities for women.

The conditions that obtained then have changed out of all recognition.

The United Nations Index comments that "Oman is the most improved nation in the last 40 years"

Oman is an absolute monarchy and Sultan Qaboos, head of both state and government, rules by royal decree. A consultative council, the Majlis Al Sura was created in the early 90s whose 83 members, locally elected, gain office once approved by the cabinet and finally selected by the sultan. They have no legislative powers but serve to channel local opinion to the upper layers of government. Political parties are not allowed in Oman.

(14/03/11)

Recent announcements would suggest that in the wake of current unrest there may be moves being implemented which give the council legislative powers in a move towards a form of democratisation.